Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Example Essay Example

Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Example Paper Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Introduction Before we analyze the differing accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis by the two authors Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner, let us understand its general background. In the western hemisphere, the peak cold war confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union manifested in the form of the Cuban Missile crisis. It was the year 1961, under the leadership of President John F. Kennedy; the world came perilously close to a deadly confrontation between the two major powers. The Soviet Union was under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev. Lying only 145 km from the coast of the USA, Cuba had always been of concern to the United States (America still maintains a naval base there to the present day at Guantanamo Bay). The relations between the two nations nosedived with the onset of the communist revolution in 1959. Fidel Castro’s consequent rise to power made Cuba a real and present danger. The pressing concern for the United States was the potential symbolic threat that a c ommunist neighbor would prove to be. The fiasco that was the Bay of Pigs invasion, intended to dispel and if possible eliminate Castro, was an affair of big embarrassment for the Kennedy Administration (Allison Zelikow, 1999). This further strained the diplomatic relations between the two countries. At this juncture Castro was left with little option but to strengthen relations with the Soviet Union, the consequence of which had what led to the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. The comparative merits of the viewpoints put forth by Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner has to be studied in this context. Christopher Andrew asserts in his work that the photographic evidence provided by the U2 spy-planes were sufficient proof of Cuba’s collusion with Soviet designs for infiltrating into the democratic western bloc. While Tim Weiner does not dismiss this evidence as irrelevant, he does point to the inconsistencies associated with it and its inability to conclusively indicate that the wea pons indeed nuclear missiles. Further, Weiner goes on to suggest that John F Kennedy had been hesitant in fully deploying the services of U2 spy planes after what happened in China. This is one area where the two authors disagree. While Christopher Andrew does not implicate the Kennedy Administration for the lack of conclusive intelligence, Tim Weiner on the other hand implies that the Kennedy Administration was more focused on the political consequences of their actions and that they did not utilize all the resources at their disposal for gathering intelligence and acting upon it. This argument provides a convenient explanation for the CIA initiative to eliminate Fidel Castro, under Kennedy’s orders. Of these two accounts of history, Weiner’s version seems more persuasive for the fact that it peruses declassified information pertaining to the event and also takes a macroscopic view of the emerging scenario. Another reason why Tim Weiner’s interpretation sounds more plausible is due to its consistency with the public statements issued by the Kennedy Administration during the crisis, including the following excerpt from President Kennedy’s speech on 22nd October, 1962: Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Body Paragraphs â€Å"This secret, swift, and extraordinary build-up of Communist missiles . in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy . is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe. . Should these offensive military preparations continue . further action will be justified . It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.† (Library of Congress Archives) The diplomatic communication between the two leaders, namely John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev in trying to mitigate the crisis is seen as crucial to the outcome by Christopher Andrew, where as Tim Weiner perceives them as insubstantial and amount ing to mere rhetoric. The particular documentation being emphasized by Andrew is the two letters sent by Nikita Khrushchev to his counterpart in Washington, D.C., which attempted to reconcile the differences between the two leaders. The author cites the conciliatory tone of the first of these letters to support his claim that the ultimate peaceful resolution to the crisis is in large part creditable to the lenient words and non-confrontational tone assumed by Khrushchev. Based on evidence available from other secondary sources, it has to be said that Christopher Andrew’s interpretation is closer to the truth in this case. For example, in the first letter Khrushchev talks of the International laws of the oceans and Russia’s integrity in abiding by these laws. The letter interrogates Kennedy to state the Soviet offence. It is an argument for the Soviet Union’s rightful navigation of international waters and its intention of helping Cuba, a fellow communist client state. In it, Khrushchev requests Kennedy â€Å"not now to pull on the ends of the rope in which you have tied the knot of war† (Library of Congress). He also mentions that his weapons in Cuba were always intended to be â€Å"defensive,† and if Cuba’s safety were guaranteed, â€Å"the necessity for the presence of our military specialists in Cuba would disappear.† (Library of Congress) It is believed that Khrushchev personally composed these letters, without assistance from his advisors. Khrushchev’s two letters to President Kennedy were certainly not masterpieces of literature by any means. These somber notes assumed a rambling style. Yet, the gravity of the situation is reflected by the emotional tone that is manifest in the passages. Khrushchev implores Kennedy to see the issue from the Soviet point of view and tries to justify his recent actions. The scholarship of Max Frenkel, published in the Smithsonian magazine also seem to concur with Chri stopher Andrew’s view that these communiques from the leadership in Kremlin had had a significant role in preventing a potential catastrophe in the form of full-fledged nuclear warfare. (Frankel, 2002) Elsewhere in the reading, Tim Weiner asserts that John F. Kennedy’s authority to take informed and independent decisions was undermined by the Chief of CIA John McCone. Weiner goes on to say that McCone was cognizant of important intelligence information on par with the President and was instrumental in imposing the quarantine for Soviet ships, suggesting to the reader that Kennedy’s role was subordinate to that of the CIA chief. Controversial as it might sound, this point of view put forward by Tim Weiner does appear credible on account of the fact that he bases his inferences on declassified information of the period that was not perused by Christopher Andrews at the time of researching for his work. To understand the true nature of Kennedy’s style of fun ctioning and his authority as the Commander-in-Chief, the Journal article by Thorpe and Staerck in Modern History Review is very useful. From this article we learn that the approach of the Kennedy Administration in dealing with the crisis combined obstinacies with intimidation. It was a battle off the battle fields. In this climate both psychological and strategic advantages were sought. President Kennedy’s immediate response to the developments was to commission an advisory body, ExComm it was called. In it were members of the administration of the most import, including Robert McNamara, Dean Rusk, Robert Kennedy, etc. The discussions held within the confines of the White House between the committee members were very heated and passionate. However, Kennedy’s calm and collective disposition assured that order prevailed amid the chaos. Hence, we understand that Kennedy engaged his team members, support staff and other aides in a constructive dialogue and did not impose his authority as the Commander-in-Chief (Thorpe and Staerck, 2000). This delegated and deliberative leadership style of the President might have led Tim Weiner to interpret it as weak leadership, while as a matter of fact he was always in control of the situation. The other area of contention between the two scholars is regarding the importance of Col. Penkovsky’s intelligence inputs to the CIA, especially his role in eliciting accurate information about the size, type and mode of transportation of the nuclear warheads stationed in Cuba. Penkovsky’s inputs are deemed crucial by Tim Weiner, whereas Christopher Andrew underplays his value for the Kennedy Administration to make informed decisions and in choosing the right approach to the crisis. There were also some factual disparities in the accounts of the two authors. While Andrew estimates the nuclear warheads to reach any place within a 1000 mile radius, Weiner reckons that the reach of the missiles is even further, leaving all major cities in the United States exposed to a potential attack except Seattle, Washington. In the final analysis, one has to conclude that Weiner’s arguments are better informed and to that extent more accurate for the simple fact that the author had available to him a whole bundle of declassified information that was not available to Christopher Andrew. This also serves to question the traditional modes of information dispersal to the general public, namely the journalistic enterprise and its effectiveness in fulfilling its social purpose. But, there are other complexities induced by the revelations made by declassified documentation. For example, Tim Weiner, after expounding his arguments, seems to tie the events of the Cuban Missile Crisis to that of September 11, 2001. Such â€Å"coincidental correlations† might help persuade the reader but betrays the writer’s hidden agenda. While Weiner’s application of declassified information adds mer it to his writing, it has to be evaluated in a fair and balanced way. Works Cited: Christopher Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency from Washington to Bush. Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. Frankel, Max. â€Å"Learning from the missile crisis: what really happened on those thirteen fateful days in October.(Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962).† Smithsonian 33.7 (Oct 2002): 52. Thorpe, Keir, and Gillian Staerck., â€Å"The Cuban Missile Crisis.† Modern History Review 12.2 (Nov 2000): 28(4). GT Allison, P Zelikow, â€Å"Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis†, Published in 1999 by Longman The Library of Congress Archives., â€Å"Cold War: Cuban Missile Crisis†, We will write a custom essay sample on Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Example specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Example specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Differences in the accounts of the Cuban Missile Crisis between Christopher Andrew and Tim Weiner Essay Example specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer

Licencia de conducir para indocumentados en California

Licencia de conducir para indocumentados en California En cumplimiento de la ley AB60 los inmigrantes indocumentados que tienen su residencia habitual en California pueden sacar la licencia de conducir.   Esta ley ha sido todo un à ©xito. Comenzà ³ a aplicarse con fecha del 2 de enero de 2015 y, en su primer aà ±o, 830,000 migrantes indocumentados obtuvieron su licencia. Es decir, la mitad del total de conductores que obtuvieron su documento eran indocumentados. En este artà ­culo se explica en 7 puntos lo que se debe de tener en cuenta y que facilita entender todos los pasos en la tramitacià ³n de la licencia, particularmente quà © documentacià ³n se puede presentar para probar identidad y residencia. Cà ³mo hacer una cita para los exmenes para sacar la licencia Marcar al 1-800-777 o ingresar en la pgina oficial de DMV de California (en espaà ±ol). Y asà ­ cerrar la cita. Antes de hacer gestiones para sacar la licencia, tener muy presente que si se ha utilizado una licencia bajo un nombre falso, eso es delito de fraude y podrà ­a ocasionar problemas. En estos casos, consultar con un abogado o una organizacià ³n de apoyo a inmigrantes para estudiar el caso. Quà © hay que hacer ANTES de cerrar la cita para los exmenes Si en el momento de solicitar la licencia de conducir  se tienen  tickets (multas)  sin pagar no se podr obtener. Hay que pagar la totalidad de lo que se debe o, si es mucho, cerrar un acuerdo para pagar a plazos. Recordar que las condenas por DIU (manejando mientras intoxicado por alcohol y drogas) es una falta grave, est incluida entre las causas que convierten a un inmigrante en prioridad para deportacià ³n.   Quà © exmenes hay que rendir para sacar la licencia Son necesarios dos exmenes:  uno de manejar y otro de conocimientos sobre leyes de trfico, seà ±ales, etc. Este examen de conocimientos se puede rendir en inglà ©s y tambià ©n en otros idiomas, como el espaà ±ol o el mixteco, el trique y otras lenguas indà ­genas.  En la pgina web de DMV hay ejemplos de exmenes de manejo  que se pueden utilizar para practicar. Tambià ©n se puede acudir a organizaciones sin fin de lucro  que brindan servicios para preparar el test. Quà © documentacià ³n se necesita para que los indocumentados puedan obtener una licencia de manejar en California Entre los documentos que se necesitan para sacar la licencia de conducir habr que mostrar los que prueben  la identidad del inmigrante  y tambià ©n los que  prueben que efectivamente reside  en el estado de California: Para identificarse: Suficiente UN (1)  documento: Tarjeta Federal Electoral vlida de Mà ©xico. Si no se tiene, mirar las siguientes opciones.O mostrar dos (2) documentos de entre los siguientes: Tarjeta de identificacià ³n vlida de Guatemala, Tarjeta de identificacià ³n vlida de Perà º, pasaporte extranjero vlido de cualquier paà ­s, tarjeta ID con foto emitida por el gobierno federal, tarjeta consular de Mà ©xico, Ecuador o Guatemala. En estos casos el DMV comprobar con el gobierno que emitià ³ el documento que es verdadero. Por ejemplo, chequear con los consulados sobre la tarjeta consular y con los gobiernos extranjeros sobre los pasaportes. Si no es posible obtener dos de esos documentos, entonces:O mostrar dos (2) documentos de entre los siguientes: Pasaporte extranjero expirado, pero que tiene una fecha de emisià ³n de 2005 o posterior, o un certificado de nacimiento que ha sido emitido  en los à ºltimos seis meses a la fecha de aplicacià ³n de la licencia por la autoridad del paà ­ s en el que se nacià ³ y que adems tiene una foto del aplicante y que adems est traducida al inglà ©s por el consulado y contiene una certificado con Apostilla. O una tarjeta I.D. emitida por el gobierno federal con una foto actual. Si tampoco es posible obtener estos documentos: O solicitar una entrevista con un investigador del DMV  que puede tener en cuenta documentos diversos como  transcrips  de escuela con fecha de nacimiento de solicitante, aplicacià ³n de asilo,  forma I-20 para estudiantes internacionales, forma DS-2019 para los que han tenido una visa J-1, licencias de matrimonio y/o divorcio, licencias de manejo de otros paà ­ses, planillas de impuestos, etc. Antes de presentar estos papeles verificar las caracterà ­sticas que deben tener en cuanto a idioma, traduccià ³n, fechas, fotos, autoridad que las emite, etc. Documentos para probar la residencia en California Presentar uno (1) de los siguientes documentos: Escritura de hipotecaLease  de vivienda con fecha de inicio del alquiler y firmas del inquilino y del arrendador.Tà ­tulos de propiedades inmobiliarias.Facturas de  utilities  con direccià ³n y nombre.Rà ©cords mà ©dicosRà ©cords de pago de impuestos federales o al estado de CaliforniaRà ©cords de pago de impuestos sobre bienes raà ­ces (property tax bill)Confirmacià ³n de cambio de direccià ³n emitido por el Servicio de Correos (forma CNI. 107)Licencia de matrimonio o documentos sobre parejas civiles (domestic partners) con la direccià ³n de residencia.Rà ©cords de bancosDocumentos emitidos por el gobierno federal Los padres o guardianes de  menores de edad  puede testificar en la  aplicacià ³n el lugar de residencia del menor. Todo lo que hay que saber sobre la mayorà ­a de edad en Estados Unidos. Cul es el costo El  costo  de la licencia es de  $33. Para quà © puede utilizarse esta licencia de manejar La licencia de manejar para indocumentados de California sà ³lo se podr utilizar para conducir y para comprar un seguro para el auto. No puede utilizarse como I.D. para, por ejemplo, abrir una cuenta en un banco. Hay que saber que la licencia para indocumentados luce distinta de la que tienen el resto de californianos. En la parte frontal tiene escrito la frase (FEDERAL LIMITS APPLY) y por eso es fcil identificarla.   A tener en cuenta Estar alerta y evitar fraudes, por ejemplo, comprar para uso errà ³neo una licencia internacional de manejar. Si se viaja a menos de 100 millas de la frontera es posible encontrarse en carretera con un control migratorio interno. Y si se es detenido o arrestado (manejando o de otra manera) estos son 7 derechos que tienen los indocumentados. Por à ºltimo, California es el estado con ms inmigrantes indocumentados en todo Estados Unidos con ms de 2.4 millones de personas en esa situacià ³n migratoria. Reconociendo esa realidad,muchas ciudades han optado por proteger a todos los miembros de su comunidad mediante una polà ­tica de ciudades santuario  y tambià ©n reconociendo beneficios sociales. Disfrutar California Por à ºltimo, para las personas que residen o visitan California, puede ser de interà ©s estas 7  recomendaciones para obtener boletos baratos para Disneyland, en Anaheim, California. Este artà ­culo no es asesorà ­a legal. Sà ³lo tienen carcter informativo.

Economics Article Commentary Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

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OPM300 - Intro. to Operations Mgmt. CA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

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I write the topic in the instruction box because it is too long Essay - 1

I write the topic in the instruction box because it is too long - Essay Example The background history of torture dates back to the 20th century, post World War II period during the development and progress of the CIA’s investigative techniques where the CIA agents were taught how to use sensory deprivation techniques to help them break down the human psyche in order to make the prisoners feel fear, dread, confusion and increase their dependency. The history of this 20th century torture tactic was especially traced back to democracies such as the United States, U.K and Israel where it was regularly carried out. The British were known to use what they called ‘five techniques, which included – 1) Hooding, 2) Sleep deprivation, 3) Forced standing, 4) Noise bombardment and 5) Starvations and thirst against the IRA. However, such horrendous practices and techniques were discarded by legislation levied against it both in the UK and Israel, but sadly it is still carried on in the United States. It is quite difficult for most people to understand this kind of torture because such torture does not leave any visible marks on the prisoner. This kind of torture is of a particular kind because the techniques involve â€Å"Stress positions† such as standing for long hours or being shackled from the ceiling which is something that goes beyond human endurance. This kind of torture also includes deprivation of sleep and sensory organs. For the shackling of prisoners, the ceiling is covered with wire mesh and chains are hung from them to hold up the arms of the prisoners for long hours without sleep. In fact, a chart is hung on the prison wall to indicate how many hours a prisoner should sleep and how many hours he had to stand shackled. The guards followed this regimental schedule rigidly to succeed in breaking the individual’s spirit. Describing the impact of this tactic used on the prisoners Pfc. Damian Corsetti, MI, states -"If youve ever

Democracy And Development In Uganda History Essay

Democracy And Development In Uganda History Essay The topic of Presentation, is solicited and linked by the presenter, to a variety of suggested development topics, which bear profound concern and relevance to the concept of holistic human development, based on un diluted Democratic Governance. Holistic Development in general, as duly embracing the social and economic growth, in relation to developing countries, such as Uganda, bears a significant brotherhood, as well impacting relationship to undiluted democracy, where it is taken and emphasized as an inevitable basis and root of holistic human development. The selected topic of Democracy and Development significantly connote as well implies that democracy, in an un diluted form, is an inevitable basis of holistic human corporate development and that such development, should be rooted in the attributes of good, accountable, transparent, as well selfless positive democratic governance of a people. It is, therefore, to be noted that the functional practice and presence of democracy, or the profound lack of it, or presence of the same, in diluted unconventional forms and content, in a developing country, such as Uganda, in the defined aspects of human corporate, political, social and even cultural endeavors, does also add up to, as well imply a negative reversal of that development, whatever it may be. It is to be noted further, that holistic development denotes as well as implies the physical and spiritual growth of holistic human endeavors and efforts, in the inevitable context of morally good democratic corporate governance of a people. This means that human beings, duly struggle and work for holistic development, as well as ensuing growth, in both the physical and spiritual worlds, as the governance and leadership structures, the implementation of such structures, their functional lay outs, practices and operations, as well as leadership styles, are democratic and morally rooted in undiluted democracy, for democratic institutions, of moral democratic orientation and setting. Note the rationalization, as duly enunciated and amplified above, is quite perceivable in Uganda, as an African country, within the prescribed scenario of a developing world, (call it underdeveloped for some relative emphasis). The researcher and writer of the concept paper, is a Ugandan, working and coming from Uganda, for which this paper of presentation, demonstrates and amplifies, for international consumption, understanding, analysis, appraisal, evaluation, in addition to taking cognizance of the inherent concepts of diluted democracy, as impacting human holistic development, in a particular emphasis to Uganda, as an independent country of Africa. 2.0 THE BACKGROUND 2.1 The Recent Historical Perspective: Since 1986, Uganda (located in the East African interland), has made acclaimed substantial progress, in promoting good governance, at the political, economic, social and even cultural fronts of Uganda and elsewhere in the world. The country, has been officially and widely acknowledged, as sustaining a positive economic development and growth, which, in the statistical opinion and assessment of the view technical perpetuators, averages 6%, over the recent one and half decades, the country having progressively, moved from mere economic recovery stage and reconstruction status, towards a substantial sustainable economic development and progressive growth, targeting a massive poverty reduction from among the grassroots population. It is being further stated that Ugandas Macro economic stability, much as it is progressively and positively improving, remains a major area of the countrys grassroot focused reforms and development efforts, for the express purposes of wider resource allocation. Indeed, Ugandas fiscal and monetary restraints, as coupled with the attributes of prudent and fugal monetary management and administration, has appropriately and inevitably, supported the countrys robust economic development and systematic growth, and has, consequently, forestalled, and contained the hyper inflation, to a single digit level, over most of the one and half decades of the prospective periodic review. Nevertheless, according to the official statistics, the proportion of Ugandans, as defined and prescribed, as living in absolute poverty, did over the period of economic review, accordingly decline from 56% to 35%. It has been officially further highlighted that, the per capita income gains, between the years 1992 2005/6 were quite modest, allegedly because of the countrys high population growth rate at 3.4 per 1000 people. The same is feared to further increase, in the prospective future. It has been further stated, that significant challenges are poised, for the economic attainments, as stated and highlighted, in the acknowledgement reports of international nature for Ugandas economic and even political appraisal. These, among others, include: The setting up of a sustainable fight and impactive mitigations of abject poverty, at grassroot levels. Putting up impacting measures of mitigating high level economically retrogressive corruption, which is endemic in the countrys top and middle level leaders. Resolving the political and military conflict in the Northern Region of the country, this has persisted, for over two (2) decades. Addressing others, but not duly specified sub terranean forces which hamper, as well as derail the countrys democratization process and positive economic development of sustainable growth, as already highlighted. All in all, Ugandas political, social and economic development, is duly linked up with improvement in democracy and democratic governance, of the country, if all things, and the political will associated thereto, and the systems and practices established for the due installation of an undiluted democratic dispensation, were not merely cosmetic and inherently, distracted by the countrys successive political leadership. 2.2 The Instruments and Measures to Address the Development Dimension, but Rife with Diluted Democracy. This is properly demonstrated and amplified in the paper as follows: 2.2 (1) Diluted Democracy and Misguided Political Governance One has to note inter alia that Uganda, as an independent country and nation of colonial creation became of diluted democracy and misguided political governance; went through a tumultuous checkered political history, since the attainment of independence and standing, as a new country in the year 1962. The country has gone full circle from assumed parliamentary form of diluted democracy, to the years of full vetted and sporadic concealed military benevolent dictatorship of quasi civilian rule, of tactic political cajoling, to the present day. The short lived burst of apparent prospective political enthusiasm; to independence, and soon after it, was soon replaced by a long, almost unremitting period of near despair and disappointment, up to 1986, when Yoweri K. Museveni, an accomplished disciple of diluted democracy syndicate took over state power by force of arms. In the minds of many democratic foresighted Ugandans, this was in essence, not different from the 1966 Crisis, where the consensus ridden, and generally accepted independence constitution of the country, was violently overthrown and abrogated by similar force of arms by benevolent dictatorship of the Late Milton Obote. He did this, in his capacity as second Executive Prime Minister of the Country, after Uganda had become internally self governing in March 1961 under the first Political Leadership of the country of the Late Ben Kiwanuka who was manipulated out of power with British connivance. However, the distinguishing political feature between the Museveni and National Resistance Movement NRM Military take over, in 1986, and the Obotes Uganda Peoples Congress UPC take over, after abrogating the 1962 Constitution, was that in 1980 a Uganda grassroot peoples mandate, to govern the country, had been violently infringed and violated by a massively rigged general elections, which brought back Obote, to power, for yet another time, after his first violent overthrow from power by General Idd Amin in 1971. The inherent advocacy and justification of the Musevenis NRMs take over of Government by force of arms, was, therefore, made on the commensurate pretext, that there had been massive rigging of national elections by Obote, and his UPC party, in December, 1980, and that there had been fragrant dictatorial misrule of the country, by Obote and his party, which provided Museveni, with a blank Cheque of governance, in Uganda, after the military take over of power, in January, 1986.. It is, therefore, to be noted here, that since the year 1966, to the present day, despite the positive and inherently appreciable Museveni and NRM cosmetic democratic innovations, as well as plausible features, of due reliance to the military, rather than the established democratic institutions, to govern, has over the time, persisted in Uganda. Hence the assertion that the army, has to be represented, as an organ of state, in the Parliament of Uganda, a prerogative of civilian rule and governance, in well oriented democratic states of the world. Therefore, with diluted democracy in Uganda, at the centre stage, the country, has been characterized by civil wars; repressive governance policies, as well as statute laws of mere political expedience; a war monger governance style; a persistent refugee influx; and to big extent, a reversal and retrogression of would be attained social and economic gains, as presumably having been acquired, in the positive wake of the rather cosmetic democratic systems; which unfortunately have duly and inadvertently, persuaded committed and uncommitted political observers both locally and internationally. The negative impact of the political, social, economic and even cultural instability and overlapping political confusion, brought about as a result, is destined to leave a lot of deep scars in the general fabric of the country, for many years to come, across the countrys political and social spectrum. Nevertheless, there are, as it were, undeniable overt developments, since Museveni and NRM captured state power in Uganda in year 1986. It is also to be noted that the progressively concealed military regime change in 1986 was incidentally hailed locally, most especially in the countrys central region of Buganda and even across the globe. The regime brought relative peace and security in those areas, of the country, where it was not resisted, for obvious reasons. While one part of the country, was at war with the regime, for now over 20 years, the part not at war, got the economy of Uganda, partially and somewhat rejuvenated as well as resuscitated, under the mistaken guise that the whole country was not at war. The regime, has to some debatable extent, safeguarded the conventionally accepted principles of human liberties, through selected and guided promotions of relative press freedom, allowing some form of multiparty political dispensation, while limiting the fundamental freedoms of assembly and also did selectively, put an end to the fragrant open human rights abuses, as exercising appreciable controls over the army, from being an arm of repressive tacit political abuses, and to progressively make the same an apparently friendly organ of the civilian population, which was not the case before, for any of the past Government regimes of post independent Uganda. However, amidst these fairly positive attributes and apparent overt achievements, Uganda faces a momental task, as well a challenge for establishing and nursing, as well as fostering visible and feasible functioning democratic institutions, which shall be beyond the whims and outright undemocratic dictates of incumbent Executive Presidents of the country. 3.0 WHAT HAS DODGED THE CURRENT UGANDAN GOVERNMENT IN INSTITUTING DURABLE DEMOCRACY FOR DEVELOPMENT IN UGANDA This is to be the major subject of address and presentation of this paper, on Democracy and Development in Uganda. The Paper Objectives The Key Objectives for this paper therefore, are: 3.1.1 Objective One: To outline the brief events of thwarted democracy in Uganda, which have resulted in the checkered post independence history of the country, which has bred overt and covert military dictatorships. 3.1.2 Objective Two To state and demonstrate the profound failings, as well as shortcomings of Ugandas post independence dictatorial Government regimes including the NRM, in entrenching undiluted democracy which is the root and sound sanctuary of holistic genuine corporate development of the country. Objective Three To show why despite the apparently commendable progress in putting in place a plethora of regulatory institutions, policies, a constitution and statutory laws for building and establishing a democratic state of Uganda, there is unfortunately a looming and impending political catastrophe which might reverse and retrogress all apparent economic, political and even social gains, if nothing is done to forestall the same genuinely. 3.1.4 Objective Four To illustrate a lack of genuine commitment and political patriotic will to mitigate and fight the rate of high level corruption, which duly impacts democracy and holistic development, in Uganda. 3.1.5 Objective Five To demonstrate, as well as show that Museveni and the NRM duly displayed undiluted democratic tendencies and practices from the beginning, up to the 12th year of his rule in Uganda. It is in these years, that the country did genuinely develop and built the impetus that has pushed the NRM regime, to live up to the present day, albeit the diminishing fortunes, arising out of the incessant repressiveness overtime. 4.0 CONCLUSION By the end of the paper presentation, it is hereby envisaged and anticipated that the presentation, as envisioned, by this paper, shall lead to an international understanding, appraisal and evaluation of the democratic and developmental overtures, in Uganda, to lead to an appreciation of functions, innovations of fitting approaches and their due rationalization, in a Ugandan African context of congenial democratic development. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF UGANDA AFTER INDEPENDENCE 5.1 Introduction Please, note the paper objectives, as pin pointed above. This section of the presentation is now, to focus on the stated objectives, as laid down in Nos. (3.1.1. 3.1.5) The British ruled Uganda, not as a colony, which they overrun, but as a Protectorate, to which they were mutually invited by the late Kabaka (king) of Buganda, Muteesa I. Before that, Arab traders had had their contact with Buganda as foreigners in the 15th Century, in 1745. Other foreign contacts were of John Speke, in 1862, from Britain and HMS Stanley in 1875, again from the same country, which resulted in the invitation of Christian Missionaries, as the kind of functional people, wanted by Kabaka Muteesa I, as a sign of mutual corroboration and cooperation between Buganda, and people of foreign lands. When the missionaries came to Uganda, as responding to Muteesas call, the final result was, so to speak, colonization of Uganda, where the British ruled Uganda, for over 60 years, until independence was granted in 1962. When the country became independent, the future looked quite good and prospective, compared to its neighbors, Uganda is small and compact, compared in size, to Britain. It was endowed with substantial resources and favorable tropical climate. When Uganda became independent in 1962, the future looked quite promising. The country which was small and compact (and still is), was endowed with substantial resources and favorable climate. It had a relatively developed social and physical infrastructure. Roads, schools, hospitals and the public service were amongst the best in black Africa. Besides, at independence, the country enjoyed relatively prosperous agricultural economy based on cotton, coffee, tobacco, tea, sugar and variety of food crops, as well as livestock. It was self sufficient in food production. Due to its abundant wild life and natural beauty, the country had untapped tourist potential. Though the manufacturing sector of the economy was small, it was rapidly growing, thanks to the policy of import substitution and economic diversification. Indeed, in terms of overall economic progress, Uganda was comparable to Ghana, South Korea and Malaysia, and was indeed ahead of India and Indonesia. Ugandas great expectations, however, did not materialize. Shortly after independence, the country degenerated into tyranny, chaos, violence, war, economic collapse and moral degeneration. Constitutionalism and the rue of law ceased to exist. Extra judicial killings were elevated to the level of public policy. By 1986, Uganda had become the land of untold human misery and an object of pity in the world. Its human rights record was appalling. An estimated over one million people, had lost their lives between 1966 and 1986. Thousands more, fled into exile and were scattered all over the world. The economy was in shambles. Indeed, when the NRM came to power, the country looked somehow ungovernable and was on the verge of Somalia-like war-lord-ism. What went wrong? Why did Uganda make such a false start? How can the decomposition of post independence Uganda between 1966 and 1986 be explained? Why did Uganda become so unhinged or dislocated? There are no definitive answers to the questions. Nevertheless, historians have explained the countrys post-colonial turbulence, in terms of colonial distortions, neocolonialism, under development, incompetent post independence leadership, ethnicity, militarism and religious bigotry. This brief historical survey from 1895 to 1986 attempts to explain why and how Uganda became the sick man of Africa before the NRM captured state power, in the hope of putting the country on the road to un diluted democracy. 5.2 The Legacies of British Colonialism: The modern state of Uganda, which assumed its geopolitical identity between 1890 and 1926, was a product of European colonialism. In drawing up the boundaries of Uganda, the British colonial authorities brought together fifty six (56) distinct communities, with diverse languages, cultures and historical traditions. At the same time, the colonial boundaries partitioned various African peoples, who had lived together for centuries in two or more colonial states. In Uganda the ethnic incompatibility was basically a product of British Administration and may have been a colonial strategy. Before colonialism, the various peoples of Uganda had co-existed in relative peace and equality, and in cases, such relative peace and equality, and in cases, such Buganda, the people had even mutually integrated through marriages and mutually beneficial cooperation activities of life sustenance and survival. People did not believe that they were more developed or cultured than their neighbors, except under threat and resistance of the new comers. Various Ugandan communities knew that they were different but equal, as human beings, for any material benefits as well as according one another the requisite human rights. Even civil wars and conflicts took place among would be equals of divergent interests. But the British progressive conquerors or in the case of Uganda, protectors, changed all this. They halted and froze the natural process of peoples integration and evolution for the better, or worse. The natural process of cultural diffusion and mutual dissemination into one another for, mutually identified social goals and benefits through trade, intermarriages and migration, as well as movement, was duly disrupted. For their colonial and administrative strategy, the British duly emphasized mutually disruptive differences, as well as adverse prejudices, which put otherwise co-operative and corroborative people further apart. Peoples mutual similarities were never identified and emphasized to ensure harmony and mutual solidarity among people of different cultural identity. The British policy of divide and rule not only enhanced the negative spirit and attributes of ethnic consciousness and social chauvinism, among ethnic peers, but exploited and made it become a source of tension and disastrous conflict, for post independence Uganda, when selfish ill fated politicians inherited the mantle of political power. It is said that once the British established the multi-ethnic-state of U ganda, through the quash constitutional agreements made with the different tribal chiefs or kings of more established nationalities of Uganda, they made no deliberate, well conceived efforts to forge Ugandas inhabitants and their possible leaders, into a unifying force of cadres, for possible and viable integrated Uganda. Some ardent scholars have pointed out that unity in diversity was not one of the British cardinal colonial intentions, for a people as diversified as Ugandas. Rather the British colonial and administrative mission was to exploit it with the four (4) coded intents of colonialism, at the broader level, namely; Procurement of industrial raw materials. Acquisition of prospective market for finished products. Employment of excessive qualified manpower. Attaining a sure sphere of political cultural influences, for the prospects ahead. It is said that what the British set out to do, bearing in mind their cardinal intentions, was to establish an efficient, but cost effective colonial administration, but not a Nation State, of a prospective viable future. Nevertheless, this does not represent the whole truth about British colonialism, compared to their counterparts, the French in their Colonial Policy of Assimilation. The thrust of British Policy before, 1945 was therefore, to keep Africans, as apart as practically possible, and to more or less promote disunity, ethnicity and parochialism among them, so that the future prospects of unity among them, would inevitably be kept at bay. This ethnic focused policy was duly implemented, through the system of Indirect Rule, more especially in Buganda (Ugandas central region, which became the focus of development). This is where the British were quite intent of entrenching their Anglicanism and all that it entails, and to use it as a springboard, to other areas of Uganda. In effect, the Baganda were profoundly devided on the basis of religious bigotry, which was later, to affect political developments in the country, not mentioning other dimensions of British colonial set ups. It is said, therefore, that the British knew, well before, that as long as they designed and constructed a Uganda that would remain a house devided, the future of British influence in Uganda, would be guaranteed by use of mere ethnic and nationality manipulation. Accordingly, the subsequent development of Uganda, became an artificial, disintegrated entity of British colonialism, with antagonistic nationalities of British cultural influence, but which are not prone to see themselves, as a united viable nation, springing from their well nurtured coherent cultural identities, across the board, without much mutual suspicions, as was fanned by post independence local politicians to ensure certainty of political office and longevity therein. In concerted conformity to the politics of divide rule, the British Protectorate administrators and policy authorities treated various Ugandan cultural entities differently. It is alleged that Buganda was singled out for unfairly allotted favors, if not profound envy, on the part of the British to employ Baganda, to conquer the rest of Uganda and to establish, with them, an effective Protectorate administration, which lasted over sixty (60) years. In some specific instances, Buganda was overtly and somewhat rewarded, and in other instances the British only gave tacit approval and appreciation, for the alleged Bugandas corroboration and cooperation with the British, in their endeavors to rule Uganda for their own acknowledged permanent and lasting intents. It is further emphatically pointed out by some unorthodox history authorities, that Buganda gained extended territory at the expense of the hostile Bunyoro and non belligerent Nkole Kingdom. It is not however, thoroughly discussed, how in the vagaries of peoples open movement from territory to territory, and acknowledged mutual equality, respect and solidarity for mutually acknowledged common benefits, how Buganda managed to do this, unless there are other unaccounted for, factors, in the Geopolitical re-alignment of Ugandas ethnic entities. This in the view of such historical authorities gave rise to the contentious issue of the so called lost counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi, presently known as Kibaale District of Uganda. The Baganda chiefs who corroborated with the British were allocated the duty and functions of administering the said territories, it is duly highlighted. In the year 1900, the British and Buganda signed the well known Buganda Agreement, which defined the mutual relationship, between Buganda and British Protectorate Administration. In this agreement Buganda retained its own Government and local administration, as it were, for a system not merely overran by the British, in their bid to colonize. By this agreement, Buganda was devided into crown and privately owned land tenure, known as Mailo and Crown Land systems. The Kabaka, his chiefs and other Baganda notables, were by the agreement granted Mailo land. It is said that in this, the British sought to create a landed aristocracy which was to be one of the pillars of British policy protectorate administration, in Buganda. For the British, it has been said and acknowledged, that the Baganda were the Japanese of Africa, to which Professor Ali Mazrui, has also alluded. It has also been stated that by the British treating Buganda, as state within the state of Uganda, which is their own colonial creation, but which Buganda was, even before their coming, the British, created a recipe, as well sowed seeds of ethnic tension and conflict in Uganda. This is a contentious subject, whose settlement can only be addressed by the restoration of Ugandas independence constitution, which unfortunately, was abrogated and violently overthrown by Apollo Milton Obote by force of arms, in 1966. In so doing Milton Obote committed a treasonable act, for violating a peoples will, which had been enshrined in that Constitution at independence as the British left Uganda, and constituted nation of their creation. It could only be changed, through democratic constitutional genuine and legal means and not violently, as it was by Mil ton Obote. It has been categorically stated that the Baganda developed a high sense of ethnic nationalism, which also was reinforced by Bugandas economic, political and social centrality in the state of Uganda. For the perpetuators of these views, the British are accused of seeing the rest of Uganda, as merely a satellite of Buganda. Thus, the British are assumed by this school of thought, to have created Buganda, as a thorny problem, for independent Uganda, and for them, before independence. But one wonders what the British could conveniently do, to Buganda, which they found as a nation, already with management and administrative structures in place with a relatively sophisticated culture of its own. It has profoundly been highlighted that, during the 1950s and 1960s, the ambitions of Bugandas unwanted nationalism clashed with integrative policies and processes of the central government. Buganda is said to have sought to maintain their deserved identity, but through narrow minded and aggressive neo-traditional separatism. On the part of those in central government of Uganda, the government is said to have been determined to keep Buganda at any cost, as an integral part of Uganda, but without any hearing, nor providing any redress to Bugandas major concerns, and sense of cultural pride. In the view of Uganda Nationalist advocates, Bugandas concerns and identity pride, which in their understanding and estimate, are untenable, led to a clash of interests which exploded into the crises of first, 1953, when the Late Kabaka of Buganda, Sir Edward Muteesa II, was exiled to Britain by the former Protectorate Governor, Sir Andrew Cohen, and second to the 1966 in which the Late Milton Obote, overthrew the Independence Constitution, which he had been sworn to uphold, as well as, protect, as executive Prime Minister, at independence. The privileged status of Buganda, it is said, that sooner or later, generated the profound anti Buganda sentiments in the rest of Uganda. Non Baganda, are said to have resented the wholesale imposition of the Kiganda Administrative system, manned by Baganda chiefs, with the tacit consent of the British. Bugandas question in Uganda therefore has remained a thorny issue for the democratic governance of the country, created by the British as a super imposition over existing viable nationalities, which were nation states, in their own right. But all said and evaluated, Bugandas right to exist, within the independent state of Uganda, needs to be respected and rationalized within the national constitution framework of Uganda, taking account of its role and function to Uganda as a nation without any tresses of apparent subjugation. The Buganda question and the equitable status of the same, in the independent state of Uganda, as created by the British, has defied the self seeking, biased unpatriotic post independence political leaders who not only play the fiddle of diluted cosmetic democracy, but impact holistic development by their direct or indirect political overtures. The stagnated rate of development in Buganda, since independence, is therefore attributed to this. Buganda and other parts of Uganda, excluding the North, is claimed to be developing, since 1986, because Museveni and the NRM tended to demonstrate indicative attributes of democracy, in setting Ugandas outstanding problems such as the Buganda question. He received a lot of support in the so called war of liberation, before and after the bush struggle, which gave him propelling political impetus that gave rise to his longevity, in power. See figures below, as demonstrating economic development and growth in first ten (10) years of Musevenis rule in Uganda, but which are going down progressively, as direct result of diluted democracy, playing the rounds in Uganda. Year Tax Revenue collected in U.Shs in billions Tax Revenue as % of GDP 1988/91 44.6 5.16 1989/90 89.6 6.81 1990/91 135.9 7.84 1991/92 179.7 7.00 1992/93 286.6 7.85 1993/94 374.0 9.56 1994/95 522.5 10.76 1994/96 625.5 11.60 Table 1: Indicating the progressive rise in statistical economic development and growth in Uganda, as President Museveni and NRM, tended, in some measures, to walk the emphatic talk of undiluted democracy in Uganda, in the 1st ten (10) years of NRM with Bugandas support as well as patronage. 5.3 The Demonstrative Aspects: Looking at the dramatic political events, which have shaken Uganda overtime, behind them, the profound causes have been a lack of Democracy, or democratic governance systems. In the end such events have not only affected national development, but have shaken the countrys foundation to the core, and

Feedback Stress: Does Auditory Feedback Negatively Affect Performance o

The Stroop Effect In his historic study, Stroop found that reading names of colors interfered with individuals’ ability to name the ink color the word was printed in when the two differed (i.e., the word â€Å"BLUE† written in red ink) (1935). However, the basis of this phenomenon can be traced back to Cattell who found that naming colors and pictures took twice as long to accomplish than reading the word these colors or pictures represented (1886). He concluded that this was due to reading being an automatic process while identifying colors or pictures requires a conscious effort (Cattell, 1886). MacLeod (1991) reflects that it was Cattell’s work which strongly influenced future psychologist including Stroop. In his experiment, Stroop investigated how the reaction time to name colors increased when it conflicted with the automatic process of reading. He broke down his experiment into three parts. In the first, he tested how reading the name of a color printed in a different ink color (i.e., BLUE) differed from reading the name of a color printed in black ink (i.e., BLUE). The difference between the name of the color and the ink color it was printed in caused a slight interference resulting in an increased reaction time of 2.3 seconds (Stroop, 1935). In the second part of his experiment, Stroop (1935) looked at reaction time differences between naming the color of solid blocks (i.e., ââ€"   ââ€"   ââ€"   ââ€"   ââ€"  ) versus naming the color of the ink not the name of the color (i.e., responding â€Å"RED† for BLUE). He found that participants required 74% more time to name the color of the ink when it did not agree with the name of the color (Stroop, 1935). Stroop concluded that it was the interference between the automatic process of reading the na... ...oop: An interference task specialized for functional neuroimaging – validation study with functional MRI. Human Brain Mapping, 6(4), 270-282. doi: 10.1002/(SICI)1097-0193(1998)6:4 Cattell, J. M. (1886). The time it takes to see and name objects. Mind, 11(41), 63-65. MacLeod, C. M. (1991). Half a century of research on the Stroop Effect: An integrative review. Psychological Bulletin, 109(2), 163-203. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.109.2.163 Richards, A., French, C. C., Johnson, W. Naparstek, J., & Williams, J. (1992). Effects of mood manipulation and anxiety on performance of an emotional Stroop task. British Journal of Psychology, 83, 479-491. Shor, R. E. (1975). An auditory analog of the Stroop test. Journal of General Psychology, 93, 281-288. Stroop, J. R. (1935). Studies of interference in serial verbal reactions. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 18(6), 643-662.